
b E B M O N, ■ 

DELIVERED IN 

THE MEETING HOUSE 

OF 

THE FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH 

IN THE CITY OF NEW- YORK, 

AUGUST 20th, 1812. 
Being a Day recommended, by the 

CONSTITUTED AUTHORITIES OF THE NATIQX, 

As a Day of 
SPECIJL HUMILIATIOjY AJ^D^lf'RAYER, 

ON ACCOUNT OP 

THE PRESENT WAR. 



BY WILLIAM PARKINSON, A. M. 

Pastor of said Church. 



" He maketli wars to cease, See." Psalm xlvi. 9. 



NEW-YORK : 

VRIKTED FOR JOHN TIEBOUT, NO. 2S8, WATKR-STnEET. 



1812. 



CoPy2L. 



^ 






Tie Copy for Publication, was submitted at 
the request of Friends, 



fv* «y\r«p«/\*'./%rv/'^ 



(N. 



SEE3iON, 



I, Chron. 5. 18. — 22. . 

18. The sons of Reuben, and the Gadites, and half the 
Tribe of Manassch, of valiant men, men able to.bear buckler 
and sword, and to shoot with bow, and skilful in war, tycrc 
four and forty thousand seven hundred and three-score, that 
Avent out to the war. 

19. And they made war with thc'Hag;iU"iAes, with Jetur ani'. 
Nephish, and Nodab. 

20. And they were helped against them, and the Hagarites 
were delivered into their hand, and all that were with them ; 
for they cried to God in the battle, and he was intreated of 
them, because they put their trust in hioi. 

21. And they took away their cattle ; of their camels fifty 
thousand, and of sheep two hundred and fifty thousand, and 
of asses two thousand, and of men an hundred thousand. 

22. For there fell down many slain, because the war luas 
of God. And they dwelt in their steads uutil the captivity. 

THIS piece of sacred history records the parties and 
circumstances of an ancient war. 

The /larcics., on the one side, the Israelites, who were the de- 
scendants of Jacob, and, on the other side the Hugarites, wh<> 
were the posterity of Ishmael, but called Hagarites, after Ha- 
gar^ Ishmacl's mother. The branches of each family that 
were engage in the war arc particularly named. Of the fami- 
ly of Jacob, " the sons of Reuben, and the Gadites, and half 
1 the tribe of Manasseh " who all lived together on the E isi of 



1 



Jordan, and who are said to have been " vaiiaiil men, men able 
to bear buckler and sword, and to shoot with bow, and skilful 
in war." V. 18. And of the family of Ishmael or the Hagarites, 
*^ Jecur, and A'efihis/i, and J^'odab,"* that is the posterity of 
these men, and who were the sons of Ishmael. Gen. 25. 15. 
The Circumstances : 

1. " The War was of God." v. 22. 

2. It was waged on the part of God's Israel : " they mado 
war," is^c. v. 19. 

3. The forces engaged were very imeqiial ; of the Israel- 
ites, 44,760. V, 18, iind of the Ilagaritcs, probably three times 
that number; for, besides 100,000 of them taken prisoners, 
" there fell down many slain." v. 21, 22. Yet 

4. The conquest was on the side of Israel, v. 20. 

5. The conquest was given them by divine interposition : 
" they were helped against them, and the Hagarites were de- 
livered into their hands, and all that were with them ;" that is 
all their possessions. Ibid. 

6. The success of Israel was in answer to prayer: " for they 
cried to GocJ in the battle, and he v. as intreated of them, be- 

I'cause they put their trust in him " Ibid. 

*J 7. What tlie Providence of God delivered to Israel, they 
took; and which furnishes an example of what may be lawfully 
done in a lawful war. They took jncn ; of these 100,000, 
which' alone was near 5,000 more than twice the whole num- 
ber of the army of Israel. They took /^ro/zer/i/ ; of camels 
50,000, of sheep 250,000, and of asses 2,000, v. 21. They 
took possession also of the enemy's territory, " and dwelt iqi 
tlieir steads until the captivity." v. 22. 



* JVodab is su/i/iosed to be the same ivith KedcJtiah, mentioned 
^ with Jeiur and Kcphish in the filace refercd to in Genesis. 
Dr. Gillinloc. Or fierhafi he was the same with JVebaioth, Ish- 
mael's eldest son. Gen. 25, 13. 7'or as it is not certain that any 
/leo/ile, in ecri/iture^ are named after him, it is firobable that 
they who in heathen writers are called J\abathxi were hi9 de- 
tcendants. So Dr. Jack-son and Bs. Patrick^ 



As the text is entirely historical, the remarks already made 
?nust serve, both for exposition and introduction. 

The subject, of which the Text is a history, observe is 

WAR, 

and therefore, confessedly, a very extraordinary one to be dis- 
cussed in the palace of the Prince of Peace. But, if the sub- 
ject be extraordinary, so also the time and the Occasion : — 
we are assembled in a time of war, and agreeably to the re- 
commendation of the constituted authorities of our country, 
for special humiliation and prayer. Humiliation for our sins 
which have contributed to the common mass of national guilt, 
for which our country is visited ; and firayer^ that God, the 
only proper object of our hope, would interpose his mercy 
and power in behalf of these United States. Nor is it the de- 
sign of the speaker, by any means to encrease, but by all 
means to moderate tb ;t flame of contention which, among 
our citizens, already burns — nor to provoke to greater out- 
rage, but if possible, in some measure to conciliate those par- 
ties which, to tlie great injury of our country, and the triumph 
of its enemies, already exist. 

In the prosecution of this design, it is proposed to shevr> 

I. That such evils accompany war, as make it always to be 
depercated. 

II. That, notwithstanding these evils, a nation may be so treat- 
ed by another, as to justify, on her part, a declaration of 
war, and that the same cannot be avoided consistently with 
her dignity, her safety, or even her independence. 

III. What concern God has in war : '* The war was of God," 
and 

IV. What measures, especially in a moral point of view, are 
proper for a nation to take in relation to war-when exempted 
from it — when threatened with it — and when involved in it, 

I. That such evils accompany war, as make it always to be 
deprecated. 

War^ necessarily occasions an increase of taxation. This, 
in a free country is, to be sure, the less oppressive by being 
only internal j and under an elective and representative gov- 



6 

efnment, like ours, still less so, by beiiig -voluntary, both the 
raiio of the tax and the articles subject to it, being determin- 
ed by men chosen by the people. Nevertheless the revenue 
must be collected and, of course, the burden felt. 

War occasions, inevitably, an interruption of commerce ; 
and thus while it encreases expense, both public and private, 
it also lessens the means of c:efraying it. In times of war, 
the produce of the country has chiefly, if n( t who y, but an in- 
ternal consumption, and consequently the harvests of the 
husbandman either remain in his grainaries, or are vended at 
a price not equivalent, either to his toils or his expenses. 
The ships of the merchant,if not appropriated to the purposes 
of war, are in a state, cither of perpetual hazard abroad, or of 
decay at home. And the honest mechanick, with perhaps a 
nu/uerous as well as dependant fa.nily is without employ, or 
employed at wages, not adequate to ^^'^ support of himself, 
and those dependant on him. ^ r 

These evils, though considerable, are nevertheless small 
when compared with others arising from the same source. 

A separation of the nearest relatives, and loss of the choicest 
comforts of natural, civil and sociable life, are among the in- 
.fbrpble concomitants of tvar. Think for a moment of such a 
number of our valuable citizens, of different ranks and ages, 
and from all parts of the union, as would be requisite to con- 
stitute an army and a navy sufficient to contend with a potent 
enemy think of these taking leave of their homes and con- 
nexions for the place of danger. How affecting the objects 
that are presented to view ! — Whole families bathed in tears 
and overwhelmed in grief ! — Nor dare we disapprove : — the 
occasion demands it — at least the sensibility and sympathy of 
prirents, wives and sisters, sufficiently account for it — and 
even the brave soldier, or the valiant officer must be excused 
shovikl he drop a tear. 

This still i» but as the " beginning of sorrows." For 
leaving their families to the inconveniencies, griefs and anxi- 
eties, naturally resulting from their bereavement, we must 
now spend a thought on the toils, the dangers and the appre- 
•iiunsions of our beloved fellow-citizens, gone, as with their 
lives in their hands, to fight our battles and maintain our 



rights — See them encountering either the hazards of t>ie. 
conflicting elements upon the mighty ocean, or the rigours 
of the various seasons, in long ;ind fatiguing marchfS by la d! 
Or view them actually engaged in battle, and facing ten thou- 
sand shafts of death ! How eventful the hour I Ah ! ye 
fond connexions left behind, could ye witness the bloody con- 
flict, how would your hearts beat with painful expectation ! 
The sanguinary scene is past ;— ^nd perhaps thousands of 
immortal souls are hvirried to the bar of God, to give an ac- 
count for " the deeds done in the body." This, were it but 
once to occur, would be important ; — but probably it must be. 
often, very often repeated, before the balance of national 
power be decided, the murderous process terminated, and- 
the instruments of death again immured. 

JVaVf especially when, like that of the Anierican revolu-. 
tion and most of the modern wars in Europe, it inundates the 
country, always becomes an interruption of public worship, 
and an obstacle to learning and science, and the cultivatioa' 
and improvement of all the useful arts. Houses of worship 
and seminaries of learning, are, under such circumstances, \ 
commonly closed and abandoned ; and if taken by the enemy, "• 
usually converted into barracks for soldiers, or perhaps sta- , 
bles for horses. That such was the fate of public buildings 
in this and other cities on our continent, during the revolu- 
tionary war, is well recollected by many in this assembly. 

fVar, moreover, is a fruitful source of almost all manner of 
wickedness. Not to speak of that flood of immorality which 
commonly attends an army, and which more or less dissem 
inates its baneful influence among all classes of society, war 
has its very origin in wickedness : " Whence come wars and 
fighting among you ? Come they not hence even of your lusts?" 
Jas. 5. 1 As between individuals or families, §o between 
nations, whenever war occurs, there must be, on one side at 
least, an egregious departure from equity and justice, and > 
which can only proceed from the lusts of the human heart ;. ; 
such as resentment, envy and jealousy ; restless ambition, > 
false glory, wantonness of power, or perhaps a mere thirst 
.( for dominion. When these lusts predominate, right is for- 
gotten, national charters arc disregarded, and the most so* 






8 

lemn treaties wantonly violated. Yes, to gratify these detest^ 
able passions, armies, consisting of thousands, have been 
deliberately sacrificed, and multitudes, which no man can 
number, have been precipitately launched into the world of 
spirits. Alas, how many into the world of misery I 

When these, and many other evils that might be mention- 
ed, as accompanying war, are duly considered, surely no one 
can doubt that war is always to be deprecated. Nevertheless, 
I proceed to shew, 

11. Tnat a nation may be so treated by another, as to justi- 
fy, on her part, a declarition of war, and that the same can- 
not be avoided, consistently with her dignity, her safety and 
even her independence. 

In this uilemma a nation is involved when another, in re- 
ference to her, violues, — perseveringly violates the law of 
nations. This law I derine ihus : — It is the common consent 
of civil authorities, for time immemorial, that all free and in- 
defiendent tiations possess equal rights and are entitled to equal 
/irivileges. By this consent nations are constituted a society, 
differing only as to magnitude, from that which obtains among 
individual free men. Hence, as among individuals, so among 
jjalions equally free and sovereign, no one can claim the right 
,of dictating another; nor do it, without violating, as in the 
one case the law of civil society, so in the other that of na- 
tional usage. 

Suppose, for the sake of illustration,* that one man, though 
free, should presume to enjoin his will upon another equally 
free, — suppose he should say to him, You shall neither buy 
nor sell at such or such a market ; — or finding him on the 
highway, going to or returning from market, he should for-* 
cibly take away his property and injure his person : — Or 
suppose that, seeing him in the pursuit of some profitable 
business, he should tell him, You shall pursue that business 
no longer; perhaps because he is in it himself and wishes to 
monopolize the profits ; or possibly, because he is so circum- 



* This modi of illustrationf it is ho/ied, ivill be excused bit 
those who do not ?ieed it. 






I 



Stanced as not to be able to engage in it, and therefore 
grudges his neic^hbour the advantai^e. Again, suppobc ha 
should taiicy it to be the duty of this man whom he has un- 
dertaken to controul, to be the enemy of every man to whom 
he is an enemy, and should treat the man himself as an enemy 
Avhcn he thinks and acts otherwise : — or, supposing that, en- 
vying the peace and prosperity of this certain man, lie should 
employ his influence, by secret missions, bribery, &c. to 
move his neighbours to commit depredations upon his pro- 
perty, or to excite his own family to mutiny ; — in fine, sup- 
pose him to demand of this man, as a matter of superiour 
right, any act whatever, as a token of inferiority pr submis- 
sion; — suppose, I say. any one of the things mentioned, and you 
suppose what is a violation of the common rights of free men. 
Can you then for a moment hesitate as to the duty of the ci- 
tizen thus insulted ! — thus injured ! — If, indeed, he possess 
no means of self-defence^ — no means of teaching his insolent 
neighbour his duty, and of shewing to others that he is a fre© 
man, then, to be sure, he must peaceably submit. And if so, 
■where his dignity, his safety, and his freedom ? They no 
longer exist. But, if the requisite means be at his cora- 
niand, then say you, and I believe with united voice, let him 
avail himself of them — let him, without a moment's delay, 
repel the attacks of the lawless usurper, and assert and main- 
tain his own rights. 

The application to nations is perfectly convenient. If 
among the society of nations equally free and sovereign, any 
one presume to make her will the rule of another's conduct; 
if, for instance, she prohibit, or attempt to prohibit a free and 
neutral sister, the right of trade, at any port not legally block- 
aded and in articles not contraband ;— if she authorise, or 
(unremunerated) permit her armed vessels to molest the 
merchant ships of her peaceable sister, — especially to plunder 
her property, and either to kill or to impress her seamen ;— 
if she attempt any monopoly, or even any superior right upon 
the high seas, which, not only by the law of nations, but also 

2 



> I 



10 

of nature and of nature's God, are equally free'to all ;— if sHc- 
use her influence by any means to excite the neighbours of a 
sister nation to acts of aggression against her, or to promote 
among her own people, disaffection to her government, and. 
disunion of her members ; — if, I say, a nation do these things,, 
then is she guilty of conduct similar to that supposed of a 
"kicked, haughty, and domineering individual, and is vi^orthy 
of the same treatment to which, in your minds, that individu- 
al hath been already adjudged. 

Now, how far the conduct of Great Britain toward this 
' ountry, for at least five years past, hath assimilated her to 
such an individual, I leave you, my fellow-citizens, to think 
for yourselves, claiming to myself, as a free man, the right 
of doing the same. But supposing the similitude to be ap- 
propriate, and tluit the acts su/i/iosed, have been really co?n' 
inittcd : — can there, under such a supposition, a single doubt 
remain as to the course which this country, in return, ought 
to have pursued ? If, indeed^ these insults and depredations* 
-#had not been repeated — had they not been often repeated, — 
Afind had not a disposition been manifested, still to repeat them, 
*it might have been well, on the part of this country, to have 
forborne. But having given no provocation to such treat- 
ment, having used, in vain, all honourable means to prevent 
it, and having already sustained considerable loss, not only of 
properly and reputation, but even of blood ; and this, all this, 
having been wantonly continued, until hope had become folly, 
and delay subjection ; there remained, of course, for our in- 
sulted, injured country but two objects of choice : — Either she 
must tamely and dastardly submit to the dictates and oppres- 
sions of imperious Britain, and so make, at once, a surrender 
of her rights, and an acknowledgment that she is no longer 
free ; or, in the noble spirit of '76, call together her patri- 
otic sons — vest them with authority — furnish t icm with arms, 
and say to them Go, — Go by sea and land, — Go vi; dicatc my 
' rights, avenge my wrongs, and maintain my libkkty, the 
hounteous gift of Heaven, and the invaluable price of your 
father's blood. The former slic has nobly disdained, — the 



11 

^tter, by her constituted authorities, she has honourably, sq- 
ucnmly and seasonably done. — Xor was ever a mother's man- 
date more promptly obeyed. No sooner had it reached the 
ears of her free-born sons, than her flag was seen waving from 
every principal port on her meandering coast, and her stand- 
ard planted, with her banner unfurled, at many of the princi- 
pal avenues to the enemy, on her extensive frontier. And for 
what purpose ? Not to invade the rights of others, but to pro- 
tect her own: and" 10 Ua w4iich, we are taught, not only by 
the impulse of nature and the dictate of reason, btjt by the 
voice of Revelation itself :*— .yea, not to do it, were to sanc-i" y^ 
lion the vices of a rapacious foe, and to pour contempt on th&-' 
favoui"s of God.— -This, however, will become more cvideiit, 
"While I attempt to shew 

III. What concern God has in war. " The war 'ivas of 
Ood." Text. 

His concern in this, as in all human affairs, though not al- 
ways manifest, at least not in the same degree, yet alwayi- 
exists. And that not merely " as in him we live, and m9\^_ 
and have our being ;"t but also, as by him all our change* 
are meted :—" God is the judge; he putteth down one, and. 
setteth up another. "| " I" saith he, " form the light and cre- 
ate darkness ; I make peace and create evil ; I, the Lord, do 
all these things."§ However strange, it is nevertheless evi- 
dent, that God, for reasons certainly known, onlij to himself, 
«iid, at an early period of the world, discover that his secret 
arrangements, in relation to the human family, provided for 
war : hence the remarkable government which he gave to the 
ancient Hebrews,— a government in which all the males of 
Israel, able to bear arms, were, by divine command, divided, 
under several captains, into companies of thousands, hun- 
dreds, fifties and tens ; ready for the field, whenever the cir- 
cumstances of the nation rendered it necessary. Shall this be 



* 2 Chron. xx. 15. 

t ^cts 17. 28. t Psalm 75. 7. § Isai. 45. 7. 



\ 



12 

urged as furnishing an example of a standing army ? Cer- 
tainly not, uiihout cither much ignorance or much sophistry. 
For the Israelites Averc not, like a standing army, a standing 
expense^ and a standing nuisance to the nation ; nor, like that, 
an engine at the command of a lawless tyrant, to impose /lis 
tvill upon the people. No ; but rather like an enrolled and 
■well regulated militia.^ — in peace, pursuing their civil employ- 
ments and defraying their own expenses, and jet be^towinjj; so 
much attention on the-cvtitiratiGri' oTmilitary skill, as to be 
rcudyy-bn any emergency, to repair to the theatre of action. 

\ I am aware that it may be said, that God, in the arrangements 
~Tl\ade for war among the ancient Hebrews, had a mystical de- 
sign ; — that the warlike state of the Hebrews was to prefigure 
that of the Gospel Church ; and that the wars they were coni' 
manded to wage, and the conquests they were enabled to 
gain, were typical of the Avars which wc are commanded to 
Wc^ge with our spiritual enemies, and the conquests which, 
t^irough grace, we are encouraged to expect. All this is rca- 

* iJily granted. But were the Hebrews influenced by these con- 
siderations ? Or did they not rather act from the common 
motives wJiich influence soldiers ? or, at most, from a sense 
of present duty ; — while the mystical design remained to be 
understood by the Gospel Church, under the superior light of 
the Gospel dispensation.* So, no doubt, God has had a de- 
sign no less important and no less worthy of himself, in all 
the wars, both ancient and modern, since the commencement 
of tliis dispensation : nevertheless that design remains to be 
jmderstood by the Church in the greater light of her millen- 
jpial glory, or perhaps not fully until she arrives in heaven.f 

That .God has a concern in war, appears in its commence- 
ment, its progress, and its f rminalion. 

In its conunenceinent. That he had such a concern in that 
^v .r of M liich our Text is a record, is plainly asserted : »* The 



* IQih. 6. 1 1 — 17. t Matt. 24. 6, 7. Rev, 19. 17, IS. 

J^ai. '60. 26. Jv/in 13. 7. 



f 



/ 

\ 



13 

■war was of God." In this, however, as m all other evtnls 
which give occasion for the exercise of human corruptions, 
we must always distinguish between these corruptions and 
God's control of them. War, as already noticed, proceeds, 
on the part of men from their lusts ; nevertheless, even these, 
in their propensity to war, as to every other outrage, are sub- 
ject, to the overruling power of God, as much as the ele- 
ments of nature ; and his address to the raging ocean, is no 
less applicable to depraved man : " Hitherto shal' thou come, ^ 
but no further; — here shall thy proud waves be stayed.* The ^^ 
king's heart, " and so the heart of every human rulcT^'and of. 
every human being, is in the hand of the Lord, as the rivers 
of water; he turneth it whithersoever he will."t Hence, ' 

Sometimes when men determine ivar, God prevents it ; 
either by checking their lusts, or frustrating their designs4 

At other times, he not only permits in his holy providence, 
circumstances to occur, which call those corruptions inio ej^ 
ercise, but also leaves men to pursue their dictates, either t6 
conquest, or to ruin, as he, in his righteous sovereignty may 
Ijave determined.§ 

And there are also instances in which, either by a strange 
concurrence of providences, or by some mysterious, ineffa- 
ble and inconceivable impulse upon the minds of men. God 
manifests his concern in ivar, by actually stimulating to it : — 
« The God of Israel stirred up the spirit of Pul and the spirit 
of Tilgath-pilneser, kings of Assyria," to make ivar against 
Israel. 1 Chron. 5. 26. Do we find our hearts rising in oppo- 
sition to such sovereignty ? Let it remind us that we arc de- 
praved, and are nor yet in due submission to him, who is 
saying " Be still and know that I am God." Psalm 46. 10. 

As God has a concern in the commencement, so also in the 
firoffress of ivar ; which is long or short, severe or moder- 
ate, according to his sovereign control. 



* Job 38. 11. t Prov. 21. 1. \ 1 Sam. 2S. 7—17. cj? 

25, 26, 34. iJf 1 Kinsa 12. 22—24. § 1 Sam. 4. 9, lo) 

2 C/iron.25. ^0—24. Deut. 1. ^2—44. 



% 



As the hearts of all are in his hand, he imboldcns or inti- 
midates them at pleasure.* 

As " unto" him " belong the issues from death " Psalm 68. 
20. it cannot be reasonably doubted that the shafts of battle, 
as well as of disease, are all directed by his sovereign hand. 
Witness the stone from David's sling, which prostrated the 
Taunting Philistine, and the arrow from the •' bow, which a 
certain man drew at a venture," but which, divinely directed, 
penetrated,— futally penetrated " the king of Israel between 
the joints of the harness .f Yea. if not a sparrow, much less 

•va 11 .ij,'c:.n fall to the ground without his will. Matt. 10. 29. 
.. "Bt- sides ; as at all times and places in common, the des- 
tinies of all men and of all nations are in his power! so un- 
doubtedly, in times of rjur and at the place of battle. If not, 
vvliy the exhortation, '• Trust ye in him at all times," Psalm 
62. 8. — or why did God himself say to Israel, '^ The battle is 
rot, yours, but God's. 2 Chron. 20. 15. 

' Nor is the concern which God has in the 7va7; any less ma- 
nifestln its ternmiation : " He maketh wars to cease." Psalm 
46. 9.- And, as of him is the decision of the contest- so also 
the disposal of the conquest. '• The battle is the Lord's." 
1 Sanfj 17. 47- Men, indeed, commonly view tljesc events as 
depending wholly on the comparative numbers and military 
skill of the forces engaged ; or, if any thing extraordinary 
occur they attribute it. usually to mere chance ; but« in real- 
ity they are like the lot, '' The whole disposing thereof is of 
tlie Lord." Prov. 16. 33. That " the battle" as remarked by 
the wise man, " is not to the strong" i e. not always, or not 

►merely because strong, is evident from our Text ; for the Is- 
raelites, compared with the Hagarites, wi re but few ; yet, 
being «' helped," divinely helped " against them, the Hagar- 
ites were delivered into their hand, and all that were witli 



• 'J Chron. 20. 29. iJX 2 Kings 7. 6. 

t 1 Saw. 17. 49. I A7//,£f.s 22. 34. \ 2 Ckron. 20. 6. 

Pbchh 31. i.i. 



15 

them," i. e. all their possessions. That these events, how-* 
ever, depend on divine interposition, no one surely cun doubt, 
who for a moment reviews them in relation to the revolution- 
try ivar in this country : for then, to use the language of 
sciipture, ''One chased a thousand, and two put ten thou- 
sand to flight ;" and why ? Because the viar., iik.e that re- " \ 
corded in the Text, ivas of God. He moved our fathers to 
engage in it — he conducted them through the whole process, 
and he crowned them with victory and triumph. 

From the consideration of the concern which God has. in 
war, I proceed to shew. : 

IV. What measures, especially in a moral point of view,, 
are proper for a nation to take in relation to w..i, — when ex-^ 
empted from it — when threatened with it, and when involved 
in it ... 

First. When exempted from it. 

During such times, the greatest care should be taken to 
preserve neutrality. To this the situation of the UnitecJ, 
States is peculiarly favourable ; being so widely separated by 
water, from every other nation, from which a war of any.con;^ ■■ 
stquence could be apprehended. The principles of neutral- 
ity arc often violated by presumptuous individuals.: but this 
evil It is in the power of government easily to remedy,, by 
chastisement and remuneration. O that pi'oud England had 
done this ! Then had not our government, at this time, been 
driven to the last, the lamentable resort of injured nations. 

While exempt from war, it is of primary importance in 
preserving the blessings of peace, that the people j)reserve 
unity of sentiment on the principal measures of government ; 
strict adherence to the constitution, the great charter of na-^ 
tional rights^ and a proper submission to « the powers that 
be "* It may indeed, often occur, that men in office act un- 
wortl^y the trust reposed in them ; but, in such cases, tlie 
remedy lies, not in faction, riot and defamation, but in elec- 



.♦ Romans .\o.-.\. 



\ 

\ 

16 

tions. When these return, it is the privilege of the sovereigfs 
people to withhold their sufrages from those who have abused 
their confidence, and to give them to other and better men. 

But above all, a nation, while exempt from the evils 
of war, should ImbituiUly acknowledge God as the author and 
preserver of the blessings of peace. When he is forgotten, 
and the blessings enjoyed are ascribed to the merit of the 
■people — the management of rulers — military power — or, in- 
deed to. any cause whatever, short of divine goodness, there is 
reason to expect public trouble at least, and, without national 
, reformation, the scourge of war. — " If," said God to the peo- 
ple of Israel, and which is not inapplicable to the peopl.- of 
these*Uriitcd States — " If ye be willing and obedient, ye shall 
i! eat the good of the land; but if ye refuse and rebel, ye shall 
1)0 devoured with the sword, for the mouth ot the Lord hath 
, spoken it."* To this means of advancing either the prosperi- 
! ty, or the ruin ot the nation, every individual may contribute, 
'^•' as, he may contribute either to that morality, that *' righteous- 
ness which exalteth a nation," or to that immorality, that *' sin 
I w^ch is the disgrace of any people."! However, when the 
• moral character of a nation is taken into view, there are tw»> 
classes in the community which require a more than ordinary- 
attention. 

The one class intended, unites those who, in the providence 
of God, are called by the voice of the people, to transact the 
civil affairs of the nation ; whether by enacting laws or ad- 
ministering government. And as the moral qualifications re- 
quisite in these men, are so much the topick of popular cla- 
mour, it may be proper, on this occasion, in some measure, 
to investigate that subject. 

It is contended by many, that they ought to be religious 
mea. If by religious be meant regenerate^ then is it indeed 
essential that they be religious men. Not, however, to qua- 
lify them to be statesmen ; for as their work, in that capacity, 



* 7.^/. I. 19, 20. t Prov. U. 34. 



17 

is wholly of a natural and civil kind, so also the qualificationg, 
requisite to perform it : but, in order to their own eternal sal' 
I'dtion ; for God respects no man's person ; — and '* Except a 
man" whether great or small. '' be born again, he cannot see 
the kingdom of God." John 3. 3. 

But is it not awfully to be feared, that the greater part of 
those who make such an outcry against statesmen whom they 
deem irreligious, are themselves strangers to experimental 
religion; and that their ideas' of religious men, extend no 
further than to men who. by education or otherwise are 
connected with some religious sect, attend public worship iincl 
approach the Lord's table. But who does not discover that 
all this may be true of men, strangers to a work of grace; 
upon the heart, and even of Deists ? Thut it is the dyty of 
those who possess religion, to profess it and the privilege of 
those who have been enabled to rely on the merits of Christ 
for salvation, to commemorate his sufferings in the ordi- 
nance of the supper, is heartily admitted ; but to make a pro- 
fession of religion, especially a partaking at the Lord's table, 
a test of qualification for civil office, is to hold out a strohg — • 
if not the strongest inducement to hyfiocrisii and im/iicty. 
Should it be said, they ought to belie-ve ; as well might it b© 
said, they ought to keep the whole moral law ^ and so to be. fietm 
feet.* But duty and ability are two things. And whoever 
makes such an observation proves, to me, that he is an utter 
stranger to living faith, or he would know it to be, not at the 
command of the creature, but the gift of God, and a fruit of 
the Holy Ghost. t If it be said, that it is the duty of men in 
public life, to observe, and treat with respect, the externais 
of religion,:}: it is only saying what I admit and contend is the 



* Matt. 22. 37—40. f F.ph. 2. 8. flwrf Gal. 5. 22. 

:j: jYeglcct of this duty hath been attributed to our Chief 
Magistrate^ and to his worthy predecessor ; and on which ac- 
count they have been stigmatized as Deists. The charge in 
not true ; and if it were, it could no more prove them to be 
Deists, than neglect of the same duty proves many others to 



18 

doty of men in common. For tlie command of Cluisty 
" Search the scriptures,"* is binding on all, and the injunc- 
tion on his ministers *' Preach the Gospel to every crea- 
ture,! plainly implies the duty of every creature to attend 
ivhere it is preached. But to contend, as many seem to do, 
that it is the duty of statesmeni to profess experimental reli- 
gion, and to partake at the Lord's table, to set an example to 
others, is to contend that it is their duty to be hypocrites, in 
order to influence others to be so, and to " eat and drink dam- 
natioji" that is, conde7nnation, or judgment^ or guilt,^ to 
themselves, that, by their example, they may teach others to 
do the same. From such hypocrisy and wickedness " good 
Lord deliver us !" That it is not the object of those wha 
reason in that way, to induce the men now in office, in the 
United States, to become guilty of such crimes, that so they 
might peaceably retain their several stations, is readily ad- 
mitted ; for their object, on the contrary, is to have them re- 
moved : and why ? Not, surely, because they refuse to be 
guilty oi hxifiocrisy and impiety I No ; but that they might fill 
the offices they hold with men of different politicks. Should 
they succeed,! pray God that they may not be permitted to sub- 
stitute men already guilty, or who are capable of becoming 
guilty of such deception and iniquity, in order to secure their 
favor ! For of all men that might be put into power, such arc 
the most dangerous. || Nor does that.^ in my humble opinion. 



be so, tvho ne-oerthelcs» stand high nvith their calumniators.^ 
Whether those great men thus abused, are subjects of grace 
or not, is known only to God ; but of their being Deists, I 
am bound to believe that there is no more evidence, than of 
moral men in common being so, who make 7io profession of ex- 
perimental religion. 

* John 5. 39. t Mark 16. IS. \ That is, because \ 

statesmen ; though they should be unregenerate—^ / 

§ 1 C(jr. 11. 27 — 29. From ini h scr.pture it is evident that 
faith is essential to a?i evangelical participation in that sacred 
ordinance, as without it none can disccr?i the Lord's body. 

II Even Gullio, who *' cared for none of these things," bet' ' 
ter understood civil authority^ and civil rights, and was more 



19 

?iecessarily follow, in the event of such a change ; for althougl* 
our citizens have been, unhappily, long divided and distin- 
guished by the appellations of Federalist and Republican, I 
have always thought, and now think, that there are men of 
equal integrity, abilities and patriotism on both sides. And 
indeed the distinction itself is as unfounded as it is impoli- 
4ick ; for, under our government, no man can be a Federalist 
%vithout being a Republican, nor a Republican, without being 
a Federalist ; the one having respect to the confederacy of 
the states, the other to the sovereignty of the people ; and 
both being comprehended in our excellent constitution. 

After begging forgiveness for so lengthy a digression, I 
come to oifer my own opinion as to the moral qualifications 
that are desirable in statesmen, and the manner in which, as 
such, they ought to acknowledge God. 

Their moral qualifications : They ought to be 

1. Men of good morals, and 

2. Men of liberal sentiments ; — men rightly understanding 
and duly appreciating the natural and unalienable rights of 
conscience ; — men who, though entitled, in common with 
other men, to the right of religious opinion, and the choice 
of religious society, yet claim no right to control the con- 
sciences of others, nor to dictate, in matters of religion, to 
their fellow men. 

The manner in lohich tliey, in their official cafiacity.^ ought 
to acknowledge God. This they should do 

1. By submitting to him. alone , the rights of conscience, and 
consequently, leaving all sects and all individuals to worship 
him, in that way and manner which, to them shall appear to 
l)e most acceptable unto him ; provided, however, that noth- 
ing in their customs and manners shall interfere with the 



favourable to the Apostles than the Jenus^ especially the priests, 
who were great religionists. Acts 18. 12 — 17. And if some^ 
in our country^ who are called Christian ministers., or others 
who adhere to them., were iti power, how soon, alas ! would 
the people be shackled with a religious j or rather^ an irreligi- 
ous establishment ! 



20 

tights of others, nor with the peace and good order of civii 
society. 

2. By discharging their official duties with an integrity be- 
coming the solemiities under which they entered into office, 
and in which they called upon hina to witness their obliga- 
tions. 

3 By acknowledging, at times of special emergency, their 
need of his special direction, and requesting their constituents 
to uniie with them in imploring it. 

The other class of the community deserving special con- 
sideiation, arc professors of the (Christian religion. And our 
duties, my brethren, in relation to the subject before us, are 
concise ly and specifically stated in these words of our blessed 
master : " Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's^ 
and unto God, the things that are God's. Matt. 22. 21. That 
is, unto civil authority^ render obedience in civil things, and 
unto God, and to him only, render obedience in spiritual 
things ; that so while they attend to the duties of the one, they 
may not neglect those of the other. Christians should recol- 
lect that, as they " are the salt of the earth," in common, so 
in particular of the nations in which they respectively dwell j 
and therefore ihat, as it is their duty to use all means to pre- 
serve peace and good order in the churches, with which they 
arc connected, so also in the nations to which they belong. 
Especially they should be in the habit of returning thanks to 
God, as for all other blessings, so for the peace and pros- 
perity of their nation, and of praying for " all that are in au- 
thority ; that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all 
godliiicss and honesty." 1. Tim. 2. 2. 

As there are certain measurt;s in relation to war, proper to 
be taken by a nation when exempted from it, so 

Secondly. When threatened withit. Here much mightbesaid 
as to erecting fortifications, preparing military stores, raising 
and arranging forces. Sec. &c. but these I leave to statesmen, 
coniiniijg myself to what is of a moral nature, and which 
thcrefoVe, cuij:es more immediately within my providence. 

As liar, like every other judgement is procured by sin, 
♦he first act of a nation when threatened with it, should be 



21 

public humiliation. And this, as all are equally concernedi 
ought to be as general as possible ; and therefore it is proper 
that a day or daysHbr that purpose be recommended by the na- 
tional government. Not indeed to make it the duty of the peo- 
ple to fast and pray ; for that is ah'eady done by the authority 
of God himself, and by the example of his ancient servants ; * 
and if it were not, no human authority could make it so ; t 
but to secure the object just mentioned, mianimitij : that so, 
from all the worshipping assemblies in the nation, the cries 
of the saints may ascend in one common and united prayer to 
the throne of mercy, for pardon of accumulated guilt, and pres- 
ervation from threatened evil. Such was the counsel of king 
Jehoshaphat, and such the conduct of all Judea. 2. Chron. 
20. 3 — 4. 

But suppose the cloud should still thicken, and either sub- 
mission or war become inevitable ; it is then the duty of the 
constituted authorities of the nation to act as recommended in 
the case supposed by Christ, Luke 14. 31 — 32, that is, to 
consult whether they possess a sufficient power to afford a 
reasonable probability of success, should they engage in war ; 
if not, let them propose peace, which is to be preferred on al- 
most any terms, rather than a wanton and unsuccessful effu- 
sion of blood ; but if a sufficient force be at command to de- 
fend the rights, and preserve the property of themselves and 
their constituents, let them recommend an immediate appeal 
to arms, and let all the people heartily acquiesce. \ Hence 

Thirdly. The measures which,in relation to war, are prop- 
er for a nation to take, when involved in it. This, at least, as 



*Zech.Q.\9. Lukes. 35. Ezra 8. 21— 23. Jer. 36.9. 

Joel 2. 15 — 18. This indeed., like all other external acts 

religion., may be enjoiyied and observed both by fiublic and 

hrivate persons^ as a mere s/iecious shozo of fdettj^ and then it 

^ an abomination to God. See 1. Kings, 21. 7 — 13. Isai. 58. 

:p — 7- Matt. 6. 16. But the abuse of a duty can never nulify it, 

+ Matt. 15. 9. 

\ \ This is /ilainly implied in the siipjiosed case already allu- 

■d£d to. 



22 

to iorm, is the present concliiion of these United States. And 
«lthough I m^ke no pretentions to special discernment, and 
rnuch less to a spirit of prophecy, yet as I have uniformly 
said for seven years past, I still say, that, of war in this cou- 
try, there will be little more than the form. This opinion is 
founded in a firm persuasion that all the modern wars that 
have occurred among the nations of the earth, are procured 
by that Antichristian abomination, a union of church and state ; 
and as this abomination does not exist in our country, and is 
not provided for in our national constitution, so neither shall 
we share in the " overflowing scourge" which is designed 
to remove it. At Cannada indeed it exists, and British squad- 
rons under the sanctipn of it, are cruizing on our coasts ; and 
therefore, it is within the limits of my opinion already ex- 
pressed, that it may in those situations, occasion distress and 
and bloodshed. And as it hath been attempted in some of 
our Eastern states, what degree of trouble they may expe- 
rience on account of it, I will not pretend to determine. Of 
this however, I have no doubt, that all governments under 
heaven, in which that abomination has a being, must ,be sha- 
ken to their centre, and so changed in their forms, as to be no 
longer, as they now are, obstacles to the " free course*' of the 
gospel, and the equal enjoyment of civil and ■religious liber- 
ty. The government of the Jews which was originally a 
theocracy, became indeed by divine permission,* a monarchy ; 
and the Jewish nation with their two fold officers of kings and 
priests was, it is admitted, a figure of the gospel church ; but 
then, as the antitype of their offerings was found in the sacri- 
Jicci so that of their kings and priests in ihe /icrsori of the 
MESSIAH, \ who is not only the substance of proceeding 
jfhadows, but also at once '> king in Zion," and the great high ! 
priest of our profession. Hence, as at his death, the Aaronic 
^rder and ceremonial service o/'n^A^ forever ceased,§ so a*/ 

^» 1. Sa7n. 8. 7. ~ ) 

t //c6. >J. 11--I4. I Heb. 4. U. Hev. 17. 14. 
^ Daniel 9. 24— -29. Col. 2. H-— 17. / 



35 

hia resurrection,* the power and authority of all human kings* 
Nevertheless, as the ceremonies of the law were presumptu- 
ously persisted in by the Jews, until the destruction of Jeru- 
salem, when it was no longer possible, the Temple and its 
furniture being destroyed ; so have the nations of the earth 
presumptuously persisted, and will continue so to persist, in 
the support of kings and kingly governments, until the ef- 
fectual destruction of Antichristian power, both civil and ec- 
clesiastical ; and then shall be taken up that doleful lamenta- 
tion, " Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen, £cc.' — For all the 
nations have drunk of the wine of the wrath of her fornica- 
tion, and the kings of the earth have committed fornication 
with her," &c. Sec. Rev. 18. 2—3. t 

But to return : However confident I feel that the present 
war will not prove an overjloiving scourge to our country, I do 
not, on this account wish any relaxation in the use of means ; 
for it is by these, I believe, that God will preserve us. And 
therefore, as Paul, although he had a vision from heaven as- 
suring him that there should be no loss of the crew, neverthe- 
less said to the mariners, concerning means, " except these 
abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved" :| so much more ma^ 
I, having but a general view of the scriptures in support of 
rny opinion, and being like men in common, liable to err» 
say to the rulers and people of our nation, luithout the means 
of defence^ ye cannot be secured from the evils threatened : 
Yea, to expect it would be presumption. As to the mean* 
proper to be used, there can be no reasonable do\ibt. 

A primary object with every citizen, public and private, 
in church and state, should be to promote union, and firmness 
in the support of government. " A house," a family — a nation 
*• divided against itself cannot stand."§ On a disunion of the 
states and disaffection to the general government, the ene- 



* This is firobably the true sense of Rom. 1, Ai.fioio'ery mean- 
ing authority. See also Jets, 2. 22 — 36. Here he is at once 
made Lord and Christ, the ruler and the fir lest. 
, t Scealso Ezekiely2\.27. Dan-el7.9. Psa. 73. 10. 
\ Acts 27. 31. § Mark 3. 25. 



24 

irtv diiefly relics. Whoever therefore contributes to these, 
cont! ibutes to the interest and encouragement of the common 
loe of our beloved country ; and is therefore no longer worthy 
the honourable distinction of an American citizen. 

Means, though to be used, are not to be trusted in. God 
alone should be the object of our trust : so of Israel it is said 
in the text, " they trusted in him." Let us do likewise. He 
only can give that wisdom to our rulers, and that success to 
our forces, which are necessary to conquest. 

And as he is to be trusted in so also to be called upon ; and 
th;it not only in common, nor only in common durinff ivar^ 
but even in the time of battle : "• they cried to God in the bat- 
tl "—nor did they cry in vain ; " he was entreated of them ;" 
because they trusted in him." Prayer then for success of 
arms, is evidently lawful, and availing. It hath been offered 
by God's Israel, and answered by Israel's God. May we, and 
may all God's people in these United States abound in it! 
Then may we hope for a short war, and an advantageous peace. 

To the declaration of war lately made, on the part of our 
government, we all know there are many objections. But 
when we consider whence they come ; — that from the same 
quarter, eleven years ago, the chambers of the Capitol rang 
with arguments in favor of an appeal to arms for taking Louis- 
ianna ; which, in the wisdom of our then chief magistrate 
was, to much greater advantage, honourably purchased ; and 
that the same men who accuse the present administration of 
madness., for going to war, when, in fact, there was no other 
resort.no less accused the former administration of /iMwV/awmz- 
/(/, for pursuing milder measures, notwithstanding there cer- 
tainly did then remain grounds of hope that a reconciliation 
might be effected ;— when, I say, these things are considered, 
we are tempted, strongly tempted to doubt, in this particular, 
their sincerity, and to conclude that all the outcry is intended 
only to answer electioneering purposes, and to put the admin- 
istration into other hands. 

It is urged that, had it been proper for our government to 
declare ivar, it should have b.< n declared against France, as 
well as England. That the conduct of France, toward this 



25 

^.oUntry, has been very unwarrantable, is not clenicj ; nor yet 
that a national anjustment with her may hereafter be necessa- 
ry. It must be obvious, i.->wever, that the principal provo- 
cations to war have been only on the part of England : France 
has indeed robbed us on the highway of nations, and even 
burnt our vessels ; nevertheless she has not, like England, 
impressed our citizens, blockaded our harbours, and crim- 
■oned Our waters with American blood. 

It is contended that the declaration of war at all was impo- 
Htick. I cannot think so ; but believe that this declaration 
and correspondent arrangements, were, of all means, the 
most likely to procure peace — lasting and honourable peace. 

The present, however, is not the time to contest that point. 
When the flames are raging, it is too late for firemen to stand 
disputing whether, by certain means, they might not have 
been prevented from kindling ; their duty then is to unite in 
quenching them. The flames of war are already kindled — 
they are gathering along our coast and threatening upon out 
frontiers ; the duty — the common duty* therefore, of Ameri. 
can citizens is, to use all means in their power, to bring the 
contest to the most speedy and most favourable issue. 

Yes, my friends, the time for idle and speculative debate 
is, with us, at an end. We, in holy providence, are placed 
in a situation which demands the greatest national unity and 
exertion ; and which, in its result, must necessarily furnish 
Occasion for the greatest national triumph or. lamentation. 
From the latter may we be mercifully preserved ! In the for- 
mer may we soon participate ! And all the glory si; all re- 
<lound to God. A me v. 



I 



HYMN, 



Sung at the close of Viiblic Worslvp^ when the 
preceding Sermon was delivered. 



1 . Great God of all ! thy matchless power 
Should every nation still adore ; 
Thee, our sovereign, we would own, 
And bow before thy gracious throne. 

3. May peace her balmy wing extend, 
From agG to age upon this land I 
Grant freedom and the gospel's sound! 
Make every blessing here abjuud ! 

3. Our President with wisdom crown. 
His soul with thy rich grace adorn ; 
Resolve his heart, 'midst all his foes, 

" To launch the stream which duty shows." 

4. Over our cafiitol diffuse, 

From hills divine, thy welcome dews; 

While Congress^ in one patriot b^nd, ^ 

Prove the firm fortress of our land.) 

5. Our Magistrates^ O Lord, sustiir, 
Nor let them bear the sword in vain ; 
Long as they fill their awful seat. 
Be Vice seen dying at their feet. 

6. For ever from the western sky, 
Bid the destroying angel fly ; 

With grateful songs our hearts inspire, 
And round us blaze " a wall ofjire." 

Parkinson's Select. H. 402. 



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